A. Vydrina. Default anaphoric agreement in Kakabe // N. Sumbatova, I. Kapitonov, M. Khachaturyan, S. Oskolskaya, S. Verhees (eds.). Songs and Trees: Papers in Memory of Sasha Vydrina. St. Petersburg: Institute for Linguistic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2023. P. 119-160.

The assumption that anaphor binding involves agreement has been accepted in a great number of approaches (e.g. Reinhart and Reuland 1993; Reuland 2011; Kratzer 1998; 2009). A question that appears to be missing in the discussion of the anaphoric agreement so far, though, is whether this agreement can be default. I argue, building on Kratzer’s (2009) binding-as-agreement approach, that configurations involving anaphors with antecedents underspecified for person are among those that can result in a default anaphoric agreement. The evidence in support for that is the existence of the pronoun ì in Kakabe, a Mande language. The pattern of its distribution appears rather unusual at first glance; it can appear as a reflexive with an infinitive PRO as antecedent, but not with a finite subject. It can be explained in a fairly straightforward way if one assumes that ì spells out the minimal pronoun (Kratzer 2009) when the latter fails to find the appropriate person features.